Category: Culture & Politics

  • The Coalition Age: Is This Really a Government of National Unity?

    The Coalition Age: Is This Really a Government of National Unity?

    On the 29th of May 2024, South Africans headed to the polls after 30 years of democracy. The South African constituency was set to declare its views on the current state of the nation and their future aspirations.

    After a long counting period, filled with numerous political scuffles around a plethora of issues, the results were brought before the people. The ANC had fallen from 57% in 2019 to 40% in 2024. THE MIGHTY ANC HATH FALLEN.

    While this was true, it had not fallen far enough to concede the throne to opposition. Therefore, came in ‘The Age of the Coalition’.

    The DA had categorically stated, from its congress, that its main goal is to ensure that an ANC-EFF coalition does not happen and that it would not work with the EFF. Towards the elections, the DA claimed it could consider working with the ANC. The EFF on the other hand was not comfortable working with the DA.

    After results were declared, the scramble for power began. When the ANC’s structures met, some members of the party made it categorically clear that they did not want to see an ANC-DA coalition. This occurred amidst allegations that the NEC was divided between the EFF-MK left wing and the DA Centre-right front.

    When the ANC declared that it wished for a Government of National Unity (a GNU) negotiations between parties began. While this publication has no access to the full documentation, what can be said is that a deal was signed by the first sitting of the 7th Parliament between the ANC, the DA, and the IFP.

    This has sparked major debate in the country. Can it really be said that this is a GNU? While the ‘74-’76 GNU brought together different spheres that fought bitterly towards a semblance of unification, this dispensation does not. It may even be dividing the nation further. The progressive caucus in Parliament, that included parties like the EFF, ATM, UDM and more, suggests that this is clearly a coalition and not a GNU.

    Other parties would later join the GNU, including Gayton McKenzie’s Patriotic Alliance, the UDM, FF+, and more. Cabinet seats have been shared between the ANC, DA, IFP, UDM, PA, and FF+. It would be interesting to watch how [in particular] the DA settles into [shared] power. Will they sit with the ANC? Will they be agreeable? One has to admit that rifts and tensions have already formed and are visible. What commentators and analysts will be watching for is the cohesion of government (or lack thereof) and how it will run between now and 2029. Clearly all members of the GNU want absolute power in 2029, and that may compromise progression till then.

    While the government organizes itself, the opposition settles as the MK party finds its way into parliament after boycotting the first-sitting. The leader of the MK in Parliament, Dr. John Hlophe, has been nominated to sit in the Judicial Service Commission – much to the dismay of several Members of Parliament of the DA and FF+. Parliament did not accede to their complaints.  It will be interesting to see how opposition parties have geared themselves to act. Eyes will be upon former Judge and leader of the infant MK party, Dr Hlophe; Julius Malema, who says that the EFF brings a less volatile polity; Vuyo Zungula, who seems to be an intellectual asset in Parliament and Mmusi Maimane, who returns to Parliament under a new party.

    Analysts and commentators are divided. Will this be beneficial to the State and her people? Or will it simply line the pockets of the rich even more? Many believe that the presence of the DA in government will improve governance and attract investment in South Africa. Others, on the other hand believe that this new dispensation will ensure that the black South African is not as empowered as they should be in a post-’94 South Africa.

    As a commentator, many things can be said about this dispensation. One thing that can be said is that while Hon John Steenhuisen (Leader of the DA and Minister of Agriculture) suggests that 61.99% of South Africans either voted for the DA or the ANC, 73.28% of South Africans voted for left-leaning policies in the ANC, EFF, and MK party.

    Lines have been drawn; the games begin.

    We will watch how this dispensation will benefit the treasury of the State, the private sector, and the poor South African (President Ramaphosa’s Tintswalo and JJ Tabane’s Tinyiko). The question remains, where do Tintswalo and Tinyiko fit into this new dispensation?

    I, for one, cannot wait to see how the ‘National Dialogue’ will be conducted. Hopefully it will not be tampered with by the government and will purely reflect the voice and will of the People, unlike what we have seen in other states. This will be essential for the progression of South African society, and the State. The people must govern. The people will govern.

  • Our Cross to Carry: A Commentary on Christianity and Colonialism in Africa

    Our Cross to Carry: A Commentary on Christianity and Colonialism in Africa

    In some rooms, Christianity and colonialism are considered to be synonyms; brothers in arms, insperable even in the face of divine intervention. There are some who would go as far as to say that Christianity functions exclusively as an imperial tool in the proverbial toolbox. An axe, sword or some other hypothetical implement that serves only to progress the euro-centric narrative.

    This contrasts greatly with the consensus among modern day (and even past time) christians with regards to what it means to be of faith. Followers of Christ defend the cross fiercely, arguing that the foundation of the Christian faith is love and acceptance of all, regardless of nationality, race or some other arbitrary measure of worth.

    In between these starkly contrasting perspectives of the Christian doctrine, exists a colourful spectrum full of nuance, ambiguity and insight into the ways in which this Abrahamic religion has changed the face of Africa forever (for better or worse?).

    It goes without saying, in order to properly unpack this issue, one must occupy a position of neutrality. Therefore, as somewhat of a disclaimer, this article is neither an endorsement nor a denouncement of the Christian faith or other religious doctrines but merely an insight into how Africa, religion and the imperial powers of the time danced about one another.

    Perhaps the best place to start is where we already are. Why is Christianity often viewed as a conduit for imperial expansion?

    The association between Christianity and colonialism stems from the historical role of Christianity, especially Protestantism, Catholicism, and Orthodoxy, as the state religion of European colonial powers. These nations, predominantly Christian in demographic, often intertwined their faith with their colonial ambitions, leading to a complex legacy where religion both influenced and was influenced by imperial expansion.

    The advent of this ‘symbiotic relationship’ (for lack of a better term), then perpetuated the idea that Christianity, at its most fundamental form, functioned exclusively to serve the best interests of the empires that built their palaces in it’s principles. Thus, this shifted the narrative, repainting Missionaries once considered “visible saints, exemplars of ideal piety in a sea of persistent savagery” into “arrogant and rapacious imperialists.”

    What brought about such an aggressive paradigm shift? To find the answer to this question, we have to circle all the way back to the twentieth century. An era
    marked by civil rights movements, anti-colonialism, and growing secularization. Condemnation for the transatlantic slave trade, among other imperial crusades was growing and with it a disdain for the church.

    In some regions, colonizers forcibly converted almost all of a colony’s population from their traditional belief systems to Christianity. This forced conversion was often used to justify the extermination of followers of other faiths, the enslavement of native peoples, and the exploitation of land and resources. The imposition of Christianity served not only as a means of spiritual domination but also as a tool for broader colonial control and exploitation.

    Christian Colonialism: Inherent nature or Perverted Doctrine?

    In order to properly determine the role religion played in the Imperial crusades, there a few points of analysis we must look into:

    • The Nature of the Christian Doctrine itself
    • The behaviours of key figures in the Church’s heirarchy
    • How religious teachings may have been interpreted to suit euro-centric narratives.

    It is no secret that The Bible and other Christian texts have been used for centuries to justify violence and war. But how? Could it be that the word inherently contains teachings founded in the aforemention violence? That seems highly unlikely, considering the enitire premise of Christianity is to spread love, kindness and blessings to thy neighbor.

    • John 15:12 – “My command is this: Love each other as i have loved you.
    • Luke 6:13 – “Do to others as you would have them do to you.”
    • Corinthians 16:14 – “Do everything in love.”

    These among others, depict a faith rooted strongly in the reciprocity of love and kindness. How then could these text possibly be weaponized to justify centuries of pillaging and colonization? Enter the world of grey areas.

    Though the bible does not contain explicit prompts of malevolence, there contains countless instances of verses that, when taken out of context, could (and have been) easily be used to justifysome very heinous actions.

    In his publication, Christian Missions and Colonial Empires Reconsidered: A Black Evangelist in West Africa, 1766-1816, Edward E. Andrews, Associate Professor at Providence College writes:

    “In 1772 – the same year of Britain’s famous Somerset case – former New Jersey and African missionary Thomas Thompson published a tract entitled The African Trade for Negro Slaves, Shewn to be Consistent With Principles of Humanity, and With the Laws of Revealed Religion. A former slaveowner himself, Thompson relied on scripture, property rights, and a tired characterization of Africans as pagans to conclude that slave trading was “not contrary to the law of nature” and was “as vindicable as any species of trade whatever. “

    A prime example of how scripture, supplemented by secularly policies can be used to dehumanize entire groups of people for the benefit of a few individuals. This in fact feeds seamlessly into our next point of analysis.

    The Behaviours of key figures in the Church’s heirarchy

    Thomas Thompson, considered by many to be a very influential missionary dabled as valiant defender of the slave trade.

    “While Thompson suggested that his motives were intellectual only, he dedicated the tract to none other than the Company of Merchants Trading to Africa, the joint stock company in charge of protecting and maintaining the African slave trade. Thompson thus provided a religious defense of the transatlantic slave trade, a trade which knit the British empire together, served as the commercial backbone of imperial power, and infuriated his African protégé.”

    The protégé referred to in this text is Philip Quaque whom we will revisit a little later.

    Thomas Thompson’s violently racist opinions, though terribly unacceptable today, were a genuine point of contention at the time, causing a shocking divide, even within the church. There were countless other prolific members of the christian institution who saw it morally acceptable to keep slaves, further feeding into the colonial narrative.

    There exists a glimmer of light in the darkness. Fortunately, Thompson’s rotten perspectives did not resonate with every member of the church. The publication of his work would prompt one philanthropist to respond just a year later with ‘An Essay on Slavery,’ which aggressively attacked the institution and
    declared that it was completely inconsistent with Christian principles. The author’s name was Granville Sharp.

    In his paper, he called Thompson’s work out as being “totally false” and “replete with false argumentation.” Sharp had instead, a vision that went in the complete opposite direction of what missionaries were thought to be at the time. One of the first supporters of “A Rainbow Nation” type of society (obviously before the term was coined).

    The contrast between the teachings of Sharp and Thompson highlighted the complexity and ambiguity of the church’s relationship with colonialist ideals and interests. These were further exarcebated by the advent of a new species of man within the church.

    The Native Missionary

    Philip Quaque was the first african to be ordained as a minister by the church of England. In the early 1750s, an English missionary stationed in New Jersey sought permission from his Anglican sponsors to embark on a perilous mission to West Africa. They agreed, and by 1752, Thomas Thompson had established the first official Anglican mission at the Gold Coast, a hub for the transatlantic slave trade. Inspired by the recent surge in native missionary efforts during the Great Awakening in America, Thompson quickly focused on training indigenous people to assist in his mission. Within two years of his arrival, he selected three young boys to travel to England for missionary training. One of the boys died and the other went insane. However, Philip Quaque successfully completed his training in 1765 and returned to West Africa in 1766.

    Philip Quaque occupied the ‘no-man’s-land’ between the ideologies of Sharp and the teachings of Thompson. By virtue of his ethnic heritage, he condemned racism, proposing an empire of universal Christian benevolence where religion, rather than race, was the true marker of humanity. However, he was not without his fair share of euro-centric biases.

    Quaque often “asserted that all indigenous religious customs, practices, and beliefs
    were childish and barbaric. In this way Quaque was little different from his white counterparts.” writes Edward E. Andrews. He scoffed at traditional African
    funerary customs, arguing that they demonstrated the “Depravity and Obduracy” of the “Apish” Africans.

    Although the minister did posses a mild element of arrogance and a deep seated disdain for the culture of his people, he did indeed carry a burning desire to liberate the natives both spiritually and in the more literal sense. His passionate defense and condemnation of slavery and (certain) colonial ideals eventually lead to his relationship with his european endorsers souring, with the pay discrepency between him and his mentor further accentuating the intensity of his already complex reltionship with the church.

    The biggest of his obstacles however, laid in the way he was percieved. Both the europeans and his fellow natives viewed him as ‘just another native.’ Neither afforded him respect or credibility. On the one hand, the europeans refused to listen to a black man preach about the word, with some refusing to attend divine services with him
    because they, according to Quaque, “would never come to Cape Coast to be Subservient to, and to sit under the Nose of a Black Boy to hear Him pointing or laying out their faults before them.”

    To make matters worse, due to the fact that he spent a decade in England learning and training, he was no longer as competent at his mother tongue as he once was. Quaque now seemed to occupy an ambigious position between the whites of the church and his native brethren. Not quite good enough to be one, not quite african enough to be the other.

    Permeated by the anti-african perspectives he had picked up duing his time in europe, he was alienated within his community and for obvious reasons of skin colour, could not seek shelter within the sanctity of his european counterparts’ company. A common problem for some people even today. His case fanned the flames of complexity when it came to the church’s relationship with the natives, having those that looked like them defend the cross with pride, only for them to still be treated like outsiders.

    As British historian Andrew Porter said for the nineteenth century, missionaries’ “engagement with empire more often than not took the form of bitter experience,” leaving their “relationship with empire as deeply ambiguous at best.” Examining native missionaries like Philip Quaque restores that ambiguity and demonstrates that the relationships between missionaries and their potential neophytes, and between religion and empire, were much more fragile and tenuous than we have previously acknowledged.

    How religious teachings may have been interpreted to suit euro-centric narratives.

    In the context of colonial missions, scripture was often manipulated to reinforce and justify Eurocentric narratives. Colonizers selectively interpreted biblical passages to support the subjugation and exploitation of native populations. For instance, the “Curse of Ham” narrative was frequently invoked to rationalize the enslavement of African people, suggesting that their servitude was divinely ordained. This theological distortion served to dehumanize indigenous populations and legitimize colonial domination and the slave trade, portraying European colonizers as benevolent agents of a divine plan, bringing “civilization” and “salvation” to supposedly inferior peoples.

    Moreover, the missionary efforts themselves were often couched in terms that reinforced European superiority. Missionaries like Thomas Thompson promoted the idea that Christian conversion was synonymous with adopting European cultural norms, effectively erasing indigenous identities. The imposition of Christianity was presented as a civilizing mission, framing indigenous spiritual practices as barbaric or heathen. This Eurocentric narrative not only facilitated the cultural and spiritual domination of colonized peoples but also perpetuated the belief that European culture was inherently superior, thereby justifying the broader colonial project.

    Deliberation

    The intricate relationship between Christianity and colonialism is a topic of considerable complexity and nuance. Throughout history, the deployment of Christian doctrine to justify and facilitate European imperial ambitions has left an indelible mark on the world, particularly in Africa. While many missionaries believed sincerely in their religious mission, their efforts often aligned with and supported the goals of colonial expansion, leading to a blend of spiritual and political domination.

    The manipulation of scripture to uphold Eurocentric narratives and justify exploitation reveals the darker side of missionary work. Passages were selectively interpreted to rationalize the subjugation of native populations, promoting an image of European cultural superiority. This interpretation was not universal within the Christian community, as seen in the contrasting views of figures like Thomas Thompson and Granville Sharp, highlighting an internal struggle within Christianity itself over the morality of colonial practices.

    Furthermore, the experiences of native missionaries like Philip Quaque illustrate the complex and often contradictory roles these individuals played. While they were trained to spread Christianity, their unique positions also exposed the inherent racial prejudices and cultural biases of their European counterparts. Quaque’s story, marked by his struggle for acceptance and his criticism of African customs, underscores the ambiguous nature of the missionary enterprise.

    In conclusion, the historical interplay between Christianity and colonialism is marked by a profound ambiguity. While the Christian doctrine is fundamentally rooted in principles of love and kindness, its interpretation and application during the colonial era were often perverted to serve imperial interests. The legacy of this period is a testament to the dual-edged nature of missionary work, where genuine spiritual intentions were frequently overshadowed by the broader agendas of colonial domination. This complex history invites ongoing reflection on the ethical responsibilities of religious practice in the context of power and cultural hegemony.

    Article References

    1. BlackChristian Missions and Colonial Empires Reconsidered: A Black Evangelist in West Africa, 1766-1816Evangelist in West Africa, 1766-1816
    2. Christianity and Colonialism
    3. The African Trade for Negro Slaves Shewn to be Consistent with Principles of Humanity and of Revealed Religion by Thomas Thompson